[MUSIC] Welcome to the final section of Understanding China, 1700 to 2000, A Data Analytic Approach part 2, section 20, the Salient Legacy of China's Past. Over the last 19 lectures, we have described a distinctive, demographic Chinese system of behavior, one which is characterized by multiple control. Not just of the individual, over the demographic behavior, but of others over demographic behavior producing very distinctive results in survivorship, in reproduction, in marriage, in adoption, and so on. And what is important to note is that all of these behaviors carry over to the present. So if you look at Chinese survivorship today, say of infants, the sex ratio at birth shows the continued differential survival by gender and by birth order, due of course outward now, to sex selective abortion presumably rather than infanticide. Nevertheless you can see that whereas the sex ratio at first birth is generally relatively even it becomes increasingly uneven as it goes to second birth third birth and fourth birth. And by the fourth birth you have something like four times as many boys being born and recorded and registered as being alive than girls. As a result, while you do see continued universal marriage for females You also have continued differential marriage for males, because there continues to be a shortage of available females. And this is, of course, in some extent, exacerbated now by the imposition of monogamy. On top of that, you have the continued reproductive control of one's own reproduction by others, of which, of course, the most stunning example is the Chinese current family planning program, notoriously called the one-child policy, though it actually works out to about two children per married couple. You have continued high rates of adoption and you continued multifarious influence of kin on a variety of demographic decisions. At the same time you have the tremendous expansion of Chinese social mobility which we described in part one. You have the increasing occupational mobility as farmers become workers, and workers become service workers and rise up in social status. You have increasing geographic mobility as people move from poor regions to richer regions. You have increasing residential mobility as people move from the country side to cities. You have increasing educational opportunities, such as we discussed for Peking University and Sozo University, and you have increasing poverty reduction. China has, probably had the largest, most successful programs in poverty reduction in world history in the last 30 years. And you have the tremendous increase in personal wealth, which is literally fueling not just the wave of Chinese tourists around the world, but a wave of Chinese sort of migrants, especially educational migrants to universities in the United States, in Europe, in Australia and elsewhere. And you have with this increasing personal wealth, especially property wealth, you have increasing intergenerational wealth transmission. Before inheritance didn't matter that much because everybody was relatively equal but there was not that much property. Now you actually have really substantial estates where parents can pass on to children resulting as we showed in a home ownership rate even for young people in their mid-thirties of something around three quarters of young people in their mid-thirties owning their own home. In the west of course the home ownership rate overall is about 20% of households. So you have the ironic continued control by the collective, by parents, of individuals within the same time of increasing mobility of people at the group level. So you see the kind of persistence of the distinctive Chinese demographic system, of a lot of Chinese values, while at the same time you have really a totally different kind of socioeconomic frame in which people live. And this result means that on the one hand we have a kind of transformative increasingly heterogeneous society and economy, but at the same time we have a persistently sort of salient homogeneous set of Chinese behavior from the past because while society and opportunity has changed, values, culture has not changed as much. And central to these values is always the Chinese family. Because the Chinese family has persisted and on some levels, gained in strength with the rise of property and the rise of intergenerational wealth transmission. So you find therefore this increasing therefore juxtaposition of familial values, familial control at the same time that we also find the increasing openness, transformation of the economy and of Chinese society. So in conclusion, a data analytic approach to understanding China not only provides a different evidence based narrative of this Chinese transformation. It also gives us tremendous insight into the persistence of Chinese characteristics in the face of this transformative change and allows us to see what remains and is distinctively Chinese at the same time that China goes global. [MUSIC]