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A Variety of Conflicting Incarnations

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Espace mondial, французское видение глобальных исследований

Институт политических исследований в Париже

4.6 (оценок: 130) | Зарегистрировано учащихся: 8.4K

To explain how globalization rebuilt public policy and social behavior, we study the different political, economic, and social actors - public or private, individual or collective - and the exchanges and interactions between them that are remaking international relations. This course is inspired by a French sociological and historical approach to international relations. This course is also available in french version: www.coursera.org/learn/espace-mondial-fr/

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4.6 (оценок: 130)

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SS

Aug 14, 2015

Fantastic (ou fantastique)! I wish that portions of Badie's many writings were available as PDF downloads to accompany the course lectures.

SA

Aug 19, 2017

This course really puts into context the current state of the world today. No regrets taking this course. Super informative

Из урока

Nation State

Is traditional nation-state still working everywhere around the world?

Western Origin14:03

A Concept Impossible to Export15:03

A Variety of Conflicting Incarnations14:42

Преподаватели

Bertrand Badie
Professor
Marie-Françoise Durand
Professor

Текст видео

How can the international system be homogenous

when there are so many tensions,

so many contradictions

and so many failures in extending

the state model on the world,

overall the world?

And this is probably

one of the main features

of our <i>Espace mondial</i>,

the international system

is obviously heterogeneous.

It’s heterogeneous not only in the meaning

gave by Raymond Aron

when he said that different kinds of regimes

were coexisting during the cold war

and the bipolar system.

Of course USSR and the US,

Eastern Europe and Western Europe

were not made of the same regimes,

but all of them were states,

were frankly states,

rooted in the Western tradition.

USSR, even USSR if it was also an Empire,

was profoundly affected

by the state tradition

which grew up in Europe.

Now, in a global order,

the things are quite different,

that’s to say it’s not only

a question of difference of regimes,

but it’s a question of coexistence

of different kinds of political systems.

And among those political systems,

we have to notice so many

collapsing states,

and this global order so heterogeneous

is of course very difficult to rule.

How can we rule an international order,

which is made of so many contradictions,

of so many different cultures of politics

and which is so deeply affected

by the crisis and the failure

of the western state exportation?

So that’s why, if we want to have access

to this international order,

we have to point out

four kinds of deviant political systems,

I would take into account: virtual states,

microstates, failed states and rogue states.

These different categories

are now frequently used by analysts

but also by political actors,

so we have to create a kind of order

in this very anarchical use

of these different concepts.

First, virtual states.

You know that “virtual states” was coined

by the great American political scientist

and economist: Richard Rosecrance,

and Richard Rosecrance pointed

the case of those states,

which have a capacity, which is not based

on territory and material resources,

but which is based on non-material resources.

Richard Rosecrance

takes the example of Singapore.

Singapore doesn’t find

its capacity in its territory,

which is very small, very tight,

but from the informal relationship,

the virtual relationship which made it

as one of the main trade actors

in our present global world.

This is a break,

because if we take into account

the European history,

European history is exclusively based

on territorial construction,

is exclusively based on material power.

And these new kind of state

is probably initiating

another vision of politics.

And here, the main question is:

how to make coexist

these different kinds of powers?

Those which are rooted in material resources

and those which are mobilizing

nonmaterial resources.

The second category,

which is a little bit puzzling,

is the microstate.

Microstate is defined by UN

as a state, which has less than

1 million ad half inhabitants,

that’s to say many states

in our present world.

Those states are sometimes very very small,

if you take into account for instance Tuvalu,

in Oceania, Tuvalu has only 10 000 inhabitants.

Imagine if we compare Tuvalu with China

and its 1.4 billion inhabitants,

Monaco has 33 000 inhabitants.

Tuvalu, Monaco but also

Kiribati, Nauru, Lichtenstein

are members of the United Nations

and are considered legally as equal

to China, India, Russia or United States.

We can easily understand that this equality

can be nothing but formal.

And the issue of sovereignty

is clearly at the center of the reflection

which is triggered by this new category.

How these states can be sovereign?

How can they have a minimal chance

of being sovereign?

But also another question:

how these states are able to survive

with very poor resources?

And that’s why

those states are sometimes moving

to other activities, as tax paradise,

or even some illegal activities.

We can understand then

how this discrepancy generating some deviance

and pathology of our international order,

and this is important

as we know that the trend

of the fragmentation of the world order,

of the inter-sate order,

is now growing and growing.

Some fragmentations taking place

in Africa, Asia, Europe and so on.

The third category is probably

the most important one,

it is the category of failed states.

What is a failed state?

A failed state is a state, which is not able

to achieve its main functions,

that’s to say which is not able

to protect its own population,

which is not able to be committed

to the Hobbes pact,

to the Hobbes social pact,

that’s to say not able to provide security

to all the citizens.

These failed states sometimes

have no social contract,

that’s to say even nation is questioned,

some of them are not able to dispense

the minimal security

that people are expecting.

And this is particularly true in war societies

like Democratic Republic of Congo

or in Somalia or in Central Africa today.

These states have not

the minimal infrastructure

which is needed by a state for being active

and for protecting its population.

If we take into account the example

of the Central African Republic,

some places like for instance Birao

at the north east of Central Africa

are not accessible from the capital

of the state, and so,

this lack of infrastructure

is of course decreasing

the protection capacity of the state

which is not able to penetrate its own society.

But, on the contrary, a failed state is,

for the same reason,

a state which is more and more

penetrated by outside,

by powers from abroad,

from neighbor states and, for Center Africa,

those neighbor states are Chad,

Soudan or Democratic Republic of Congo,

but also from powers

coming from other continents.

And that’s particularly obvious

in the behavior of economic entrepreneurs

coming from Europe for using, extracting

and using the material resources

of the failed state.

This concept was creating in 1991

for legitimizing the intervention,

the American intervention in Somalia,

but the question was: how can we intervene

in a sovereign political system?

It’s contrary to the rule,

it’s contrary to the international law.

And so, the solution was to imagine,

to coin this concept of collapsed state,

failed state, because if a state is collapsed,

if a state doesn’t work

there is no more sovereignty,

and so it’s not transgressing sovereignty

when we intervene inside these countries.

Now what is the criterion?

And which kind of international institution

is able to define in which condition

one state can be properly considered,

as a failed state.

This is a blurred aspect of the question

and that’s why this concept

is not really operational by now.

And the last category would be rogue state.

Rogue state was a political concept coined

by political actors during the 90s,

and during the Clinton administration,

when US was short of enemies

and was trying to rediscover enmity

among some less powerful states,

or even powerless states

but states considered as deviant.

A state which is considered as rogue,

as deviant, is a state in which

it would be legitimate to getting involved

and that’s why this concept

is also very dangerous.

When you coin a state as a rogue state,

you get the right to intervene

inside its domestic affairs.

That’s why this concept is very political

and is poorly scientific,

for a very simple reason,

which is the same that we pointed

for the concept of collapsed state.

What are the good criteria of a rogue state?

Is a rogue state a state,

which is not really committed to human rights?

But so many countries are in this case.

Is it a state, which is authoritarian

and not democratic?

Is it a state, which is using a kind of violence?

But in all these possibilities

we can discover that so many examples

are fitting these definitions.

So, that’s why this new typology

of political systems inside our present world

is difficult to build up,

we know only something very important:

heterogeneity of the international order

and difficulties to handle this complexity.

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